Alors que les politiques d’open data se multiplient dans le monde, on ne sait que peu de choses des conditions concrètes de l’ouverture des données publiques. En s’appuyant sur une enquête de deux ans menée dans plusieurs institutions françaises, cet article met en lumière les opérations qui sont accomplies en amont de la diffusion des données. Il montre que dans un premier temps, les services passent par une véritable enquête collective pour identifier des jeux de données. Une partie de ces données est ensuite extraite des systèmes d’information qui les hébergent, avec plus ou moins de difficultés. Enfin, les données sont elles-mêmes directement transformées : elles sont nettoyées et subissent des modifications qui leur assurent une double intelligibilité, humaine et technique. Au regard de ces interventions on comprend qu’une grande partie des données ne préexiste pas aux projets d’open data et que leur ouverture est un processus d’instauration qui les fait progressivement advenir. Tandis qu’on pourrait être tenté d’opposer cette fabrique laborieuse des données aux exigences des promoteurs de l’open data, qui insistent sur la nécessité de diffuser des données « brutes », l’article montre qu’elle peut être au contraire appréhendée comme un travail de brutification, un façonnage attentionné de données brutes. Cette description du processus d’ouverture des données publiques invite finalement à reconsidérer ce que l’on entend par « donnée » en général. L’enquête montre en effet que ce qui compte comme données fait l’objet d’explorations et de négociations, ce qui plaide pour l’adoption d’une définition qui en reconnaît le caractère relationnel et transactionnel des données.

This chapter describes a thought experiment inwhich a modern day Georges Perec, equipped with a smartphone and actively committed to the use of mobile locative media such as Foursquare, would make an “Attempt at Exhausting a Place in Paris” today. I argue that the initial project epitomized the way the neutral gaze of the onlooker isconstitutive of the urban public place and the way behavior in urban public places ouldbe described and accountablein generic terms intelligible to readers themselves framed as strangers (in the sense of strangers in public places). This analysis is used as a baseline to show how a fictive, connected Perec would have to cope with the dual accessibility of places and people, both in the physical world and on screen, and especially the ‘parochialization’ of place and individualization of digital personae online, in a way which would radically transform the initial literary project. This shows how the city augmented with mobile locative media might not be available to description in the same terms as the 20th century metropolis, and how a square in the augmented city might not be a public place in the same sense.

Science policy has become a consequence as much as an engine of European integration. This paper argues that European construction is a process whereby science and democracy are jointly problematized as matters of progress and perfectibility. In turn, framing science and democracy as matters of progress participates in the making of Europe as a political, economic and moral entity worthy of public support. This paper identifies three operations that make science a problem of both technological and democratic progress, namely the construction of nanotechnology as an “experiment” for the connections between science and European publics, the writing of the GMO controversy as a narrative of “failure” of science/society relationships, and the “integration” of values in science through the current objective of responsible research and innovation (RRI). Experimenting with nanotechnology, writing a narrative of failure about GMOs and integrating through RRI are processes that are by no means neutral. They contribute to base the European research policy on the selection of a few technoscientific “challenges”. These challenges are deemed to be worthy of public support as they are expected to respond to the needs of a general European public, a public whose political representation thereby ceases to be a problem of electoral politics. As the European polity is imagined in the terms of continuous democratic progress, it is also meant to be purified from un-orderly publics or alternative technological trajectories.

Qu’est-ce qu’un bon vin? Boit‐on un vin, ou une étiquette –voire un prix? Se situant dans la perspective des valuation studies, ce texte traite des dispositifs de dégustation du vin. Il examine en détail les relations qu’il faut mettre en place, entre des corps, des groupes de personnes et des agencements spécifiques pour parvenir à un accord. Non pas sur les vins eux‐mêmes – il suffit d’être d’accord sur les façons d’être en désaccord – mais sur des manières acceptables de procéder pour pouvoir discuter et rendre publiques des évaluations divergentes. Le vin est un bon cas pour se demander comment des sensations sont reliées à des marchés. Adoptant une démarche pragmatiste, l’auteur délègue le problème aux acteurs: producteurs de vin, critiqueset amateurs ne se contentent pas en effet d’inventer des procédures pour goûter le vin. À travers ces débats, ils produisent peu à peu des définitions de la qualité et explicitent les critères permettant de les mesurer. Ce faisant, ils mettent en étroite relation des questions relatives au goût du vin dans le palais, aux façons de faire du bon vin, et aux conditions favorables à son appréciation: organiser la dégustation revient à définir une pragmatique de l’attention, reliant des corps, des dispositifs et des valeurs. Pour conclure, le texte revient sur l’intérêt, mais aussi la difficulté, de faire ainsi entrer dans l’analyse sociologique la valeur des choses.

En parallèle aux investissements dans les infrastructures et la formation du personnel, Transilien a récemment fait de l'accessibilité une thématique forte de sa politique d'innovation. En Novembre 2013 est organisé le hackathon «Hackcess Transilien», décrit comme un «accélérateur de services connectés spécifiquement centrés sur les besoins des Personnes à Mobilité Réduite (PMR)». Les hackathons sont des événements ouverts sollicitant des développeurs, designers, porteurs d'idée et des personnes en situation de handicap (dans le cas de «Hackcess Transilien»). Issus de tout horizon les participants ont pour tâche d'imaginer et de concevoir des prototypes de service connecté le temps d'un week‐end. À partir du suivi ethnographique du hackathon Hackcess, cet article montre comment l'accessibilité est reconfigurée par les innovateurs du numérique. N'ayant pas pour tâche d'aménager l'espace, les innovateurs proposent des services connectés visant à améliorer le confort cognitif du voyageur. Cependant, le fonctionnement de ces outils nécessite une nouvelle forme de travail sur l'espace, et la mise en place d'une infrastructure informationnelle.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the dynamics of problematization of ADHD in France and to understand how it emerged as a public issue in the last 15 years, drawing on the abundant production of reports related to the disorderduring this period.Until the end of the 1990s, the massive lack of academics’ interest in ADHD, may have delayed its coming as an issue worth debating and enquiring about. As a consequence, ADHD emerged as a public issue in quite peculiar circumstances: - Firstly, the INSERM collective expertises on various disorders, in which ADHD surfaced as an unsettled condition, provided high visibility to international bodies of literature and brought in a biological-oriented conception of these disorders, opening up debates on their very nature. - Secondly, Hypersupers, the main French group of patients and families concerned with ADHD, took initiatives for assembling scientists and clinicians who manifested an interest in ADHD, though holding divergent views, an effort which culminated in the organization in 2009 of an international conference. Hypersupers also produced experiential knowledge on the disorder in order to “state the fact” of ADHD. - Thirdly, working groups on disorders more or less associated to ADHD blossomed, which Hypersupersjoined in some cases. All together, these successive groups sustained reflection over the last 15 years, and progressively constituted an epistemic community. Their enduring effort helps to understand the continuing elaboration and re-elaboration of public policies on these conditions. - Fourthly, the 2005 French Disability Act led to the invention of the notion of “cognitive disability” which offered a conceptual framework for articulating medical care and education interventions that Hypersupers has long promoted, as much as it helped professionals working with disabled persons to enact such a multimodal approach. The progressive emergence and installation of ADHD does not imply its univocal positing within the French scientific and medical landscape.The multimodal approach that Hypersupers and its network has been promoting from its beginnings is core to the French problematization of ADHD and led to ADHD care models integrating a variety of interventions, including psychotherapies.We end the paper by some reflections on the issue of medicalization and the implications that the continuing problematization of ADHD as an unsettled condition have on public policies.

This paper studies the new venture formation process, and thus aims at improving our understanding of how markets and the economy are constantly being re-populated with new business entities. It does so by empirically analyzing the ways in which business plans contribute to the formation of new firms, and to the shape of these new firms, based on the telling cases of three French academic spin-offs. Business plans, it is shown, participate in business formation by playing a major part, as inscriptions, in the textual and visual formulation of the new firms, on paper and beyond. Four different types of formulation are identified that coexist and complement each other within every plan. The first one is a market formulation, thanks to which the business plan constitutes the new firm’s business model as the ultimate solution to a business problem—or opportunity. The second formulation is an organizational one, which puts forward the specific combination of resources, e.g. technological and human, needed to carry out the proposed business model. The third formulation is a financial one, which puts together the new firm as a worthy investment. The fourth formulation is a legal one, which relies on contracts, e.g. loan contracts and real-estate leases, to demonstrate the actual availability of the promised resources.The paper shows that these four formulations are best understood as actual ‘formulas’—or ‘small forms’ of the firm, etymologically—and can be submitted to a highly heuristic comparison with, respectively, literary, chemical, mathematical and magical formulas. Further, it argues that the business plan as a whole, which articulates these four formulas, is also best described as a formula: a hybrid yet standardized entrepreneurial formula, which shapes and thus restricts the types of new businesses entrepreneurs are encouraged to carry out. This approach refreshes the study of entrepreneurship by focusing on entrepreneurial work, methods and tools. In studying how business formation derives from the formulation of new firms, it also constitutes a careful and original development in the analysis of the performative power of accounting.